The catacomb on the estate of Ignace Randanini on the via Appia in Rome was excavated between 1857 and 1862, producing almost 200 inscriptions in addition to
many graffiti ([Vismara 1986](#vismara1986): pp.371-78; [Dello Russo 2012](#dellorusso2012)).
It was a location for Jewish burials, mostly dating from the 3rd and 4th centuries AD, although the space seems to have been used still as late as the early
sixth century ([Noy 1995](#noy1995): pp.173-78).
It appears to have been a catacomb particularly favoured by Jewish office-holders, and offers a rich seam of epithets relating to the religious piety of the
deceased ([Williams 2002](#williams2002): p.124).
This epitaph illustrates the shared language used in both Jewish and Christian epigraphy, with the phrases
omniorum (= omnium) amicus and anima bona being found also in Christian milieux
(for omniorum amicus see ICVR VI no.16562 from the catacomb of Sts Marcellinus and Peter;
omnium amicus - ICVR II, no.6316,[cf. ICVR V, no.13728] from catacomb of St Commodilla;
ICVR V, no.13338 and 13289.2 of AD 567, both from ad Catacumbas),
but the phrase ‘friend of all’ in Greek is typical of Jewish contexts, with the phrase πάντων φίλος
found used for Zoticus (JIWE 2.342) in the Vigna Randanini catacomb, for example.
The phrase anima bona is also used in Christian contexts on the via Latina (ICVR VI, no.15742 and 15510).
The engraved image of a menorah, however, points clearly towards a Jewish context.
Inscriptions in both Latin and Greek were found in the Vigna Randanini catacomb (Greek being the more frequently used language by Jews in Rome),
often with Latin rendered in Greek letters. Both the use of marble and of Latin in this instance point towards Alexander having achieved a degree of wealth and
status at Rome ([Williams 1994](#william1994): p.182).
Linguistic features of this epitaph suggest that the stonecutter worked in both languages. Notably, the final word dicaeis
(an unexpected ablative case in place of the accusative case after inter) suggests an adaptation from the Greek
μετὰ τῶν δικαίων ἡ κοίμησις σου,
itself influenced by the Hebrew expression tsadikim ([Leon 1960](#leon1960): pp.125, 131;
[Williams 2002](#williams2002): p.124), expressing the wish that the deceased will find rest among the just
(i.e., the biblical patriarchs according to [van der Horst 1991](#horst1991): p.117).
[Williams](#williams2002) (2002: pp.123-24) argues that this phrase is used especially of synagogal office-holders or of individuals of some
status, and that in Alexander’s case it supports the hypothesis that his professional activities were of some ritual significance too (see below).
The description of Alexander’s profession in line 2 (itself unusual, although not unparalleled, for a Jewish epitaph) has provoked discussion, with different
readings of the word being proposed: bucular(i)us, or bubular(i)us seem the most likely in
terms of a Jewish context,
whereas the reading butularus appears most likely from the letter-forms on the stone
([Dietz 1987](#dietz1987): pp.387-88). The location of his occupation, a macellum, makes clear that he had
some connection with supplying food, most likely beef. A seller of sausages or blood-puddings (reading butularus for
botularius, as suggested by [Webster 1929](#webster1929) p.151 no.5 and followed by
[Priuli 1991](#priuli1991) p.295 n.146 and [Chioffi 1999](#chioffi1999)), seems extremely unlikely for a Jewish context
([Noy 1995](#noy1995): p.289). A job selling beef seems more likely, with bucular(i)us deriving from
buculus (a young ox or bull) or bubular(i)us from bubula (beef).
There are a couple of parallels for the profession of bublarius at Rome, in the form of T. Quintius Aprilis,
bublarius de sacra via (AE 1991, no.287), and M. Valerius Celer bublarius (AE 1991, no.122a).
An attractive hypothesis has been proposed by [Williams 2002](#williams2002), who argues that Alexander was not a humble butcher,
but a ‘purveyor of fine, ritually pure meat… a figure of considerable significance within a Jewish community renowned for its piety’, perhaps supplying Jewish
communal feasts for special occasions ([Williams 2002](#williams2002): p.131).
The macellum referred to in lines 2-3 could be the Macellum Liviae near Santa Maria Maggiore,
or the Macellum Magnum on the Caelian, but could also simply refer to some market otherwise unknown to us
([Leon 1960](#leon1960): p.138).
Compare the epitaph of the fullo Pitzitus, de macell[o Liviae] from the catacomb of
St Hippolytus, AE 1958 no.273/ ICUR VII, no.20001c .
[Garrucci (1862)](#garrucci1862) pp.44-45, erratum on p.69; [Armellini (1880)](#armellini1880) 430;
[Vogelstein and Rieger (1896)](#vogelstein1896) p.477 no.143; ILS 9432 (Dessau 1962); ILCV 4856;
[Webster (1929)](#webster1929) p.151 no.5; CIJ I no.210; [Leon (1960)](#leon1960) 293 no.210; CJI I p.31, no.210;
JIWE II no.343 (pl.XVI); [Chioffi (1999)](#chioffi1999) no.37; AE 2002 no.198 = [Williams 2002](#williams2002);
AE 2005 no.16 = [Noy (2005)](#noy2005) p.138; ; Ashmolean Museum Department of Antiquities MS. Accession Register 2007.51;
Angerstorfer (2012) p.355-356 no. VI.3.5.
Online: EDCS-26900691 [accessed 18/06/14]